Achieving Happiness

These are some of the pictures I took yesterday when I went with staff and volunteers of Salinlahi and the Children’s Rehabilitation Center to visit the political refugee camp in St. James’ Parish in Plaridel, Bulacan.

The refugees, some 43 in all, 18 of whom are children ranging from three months old to 16 years old, are from all over Central Luzon. They were forced to leave their homes because of the continuing military operations in the region. Most are fisherfolk and farmers, civilians and supporters of grassroots organizations like Pamalakaya, Kilusang Magbubukid ng Pilipinas, and the progressive party-lists of Bayan Muna, Gabriela and Anakpawis.

When writing or speaking about the total war policy of the Macapagal-Arroyo admnistration (or about the war campaigns of previous governments), it’ hardest to describe the impact and effect on the lives of children. They’re the ones who are hit most by wars, by political repression, by economic deprivations. Their parents at least have some means of fighting back, defending themselves; but children are completely vulnerable. Since 2001, 58 children have been directly killed because of military operations, victims of massacres, or caught in the crossfire.

Those who survive are scarred for life; their young and impressionable minds and hearts forever maimed by the memory of seeing their parent manhandled and beaten up by soldiers; their houses razed to the ground, their mother or father brutalized and killed right in front of them.

The children at the refugee center yesterday looked happy and healthy, the way all children should be in a not-so-insane world; but once you speak them to them about their experiences, their faces cloud over, their eyes drop to the floor and their smiles vanish the way flowers die in sudden droughts.

The Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) and the government they represent do not in any way consider what will happen to the children of activists they kill, or the children of farmers or workers they massacre. For every activist, or civilian supporter of the progressive party-lists and mass organization, there at least five other victims — the wife or husband, and the children. Families are destroyed, or irreparably damaged.   

Everyday I see children begging in the streets, jumping on and off buses and jeeps where they pretend to shine and buff the shoes (and even slippers) of surprised and shocked passengers, or sorting through piles of garbage, looking for food or materials that could be salvaged.

It’s impossible to ignore them, impossible to not be affected by the sight of them.  Innocence so early lost; their futures predictable and so hopeless unless by some miracle the ruling system suddenly collapses and all its supporters literally drop dead and hence society can be overhauled and these children, along with parents, can be given a chance to live in dignity and without severe want.

The situation of children of Filipinos terrorized and persecuted or killed by the military is much, much worse.  Even before the military came, they were already living in poverty, but at least they had their parents with them and their families were intact. When the devil from hell Jovito Palparan began his reign of terror and began exterminating civilians wrongly accused of being members of the New People’s Army (NPA), these children lost  parents, siblings, their homes, their own childhood.

Para makita ang tunay na katangian at oryentasyon ng isang pamahalaan, tignan ang kalagayan ng kabataan at ng iba pang walang muwang at kalaban-laban.

Between Facts and Fabrications

(A summary review of Fraud:   Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo and the May 2004)

Fraud: Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo and the May 2004 elections is a daunting read. With over 400 pages, the book  is hefty and heavy; but it’s not the weight or the number of the pages that makes it difficult to read: it’s the dead-serious content. With the 2007 national elections almost around the corner, to read Fraud is  a must-do.

Electoral integrity is arguably one of the most important political issues to face the Filipino people since the EDSA 1 uprising and the ouster of the  Marcos dictatorship.  Not since the 1986 elections when Corazon Aquino ran against Marcos has the issue of electoral fraud captured the front pages for a duration longer than the period of the elections and its immediate aftermath. From 2004 up to now, all of the issues of corruption, graft, legal deception etc  that came out – like so much garbage in a massive landfill—have not been resolved or settled. These issues and the consequent failure of the incumbent administration to clear itself and convince the public of its innocence,  coupled with the continuing series of political killings and human rights violations  raised the question of whether, in fact, the Philippines can still feign to be a democracy. 

The grounds for righteously discrediting  the integrity of the May 2004 elections, as laid down all throughout Fraud  are simple, straightforward, and not easily disputable:  the redirection of public funds towards Macapagal-Arroyo’s campaign kitty; the reports from all over the nation regarding the outright manipulation of records of counted and tallied votes; and last but not the least, Macapagal-Arroyo’s own admission that she did talk to Garcillano on the eve of the polls.  In short, the book describes abd goes deep into the workings of the  system the Macapagal-Arroyo camp established to specifically, deliberately  designed to facilitate fraud.

The book does not hold back any punches. It leaves no doubt in the readers’ mind that it accuses   Macapagal-Arroyo and her allies. Names are named, and so are places, dates and circumstances accounted for. From the lowest barangay official to the ranking generals and all the way up to Malacanang, the book does not spare anyone who has had even the slightest involvement in the infamous scheme to give Macapagal-Arroyo another four years in power.

Electoral fraud was not unexpected. It fact, at the time, to even float the idea that the elections could be anything but chaotic, and fraught with violence and fraudulence was to risk ridicule.

What was not expected, however, was the naivete of the masterminds and main perpetrators of electoral fraud that they would not get caught. It’s either they underestimated the intelligence and  watchfulness of the cause-oriented groups and individuals and other sectors seeking not only clean elections or electoral reforms but actual social change; or they actually believed that their plan was full proof and their lies and poll manipulations would go completely undetected.

What is most infuriating about the May 2004 elections, as the book seems to point out, is that the main perpetrators did not even cover their tracks cleanly. Proof of electoral fraud and related dirty dealings were coming out of the woodwork, and every day presented fresh reports affirming the desperation of the incumbent but questionable president  to remain in power. 

The book gives a comprehensive and detailed look into the circumstances that surrounded the May 2004 elections. The term ‘blow-by-blow account’ comes to mind, as the book which also includes  various essays and critical analyses of the developments that led up to the elections and the aftermath, contains the complete findings and recommendations of the Citizens’ Congress for Truth and Accountability (CCTA); and the True Report, or the report made by the Minority bloc of the 13th congress of the House of Representatives on the presidential polls.

A dark panoply of forms of fraud

The fraud  that took place in the May 2004 polls came in a dark panoply of forms. As dissected in the book, fraud, Macapagal-Arroyo style, ranged from procedural violations of electoral law (violations which the book asserts were intended to distort the poll results),  to the outright use of violence, harassment tactics and acts of political repression not only against voters, but even against the media, independent observers, incidental and accidental whistle-blowers, members of the political opposition and progressive party-lists and people’s groups. To ensure Macapagal-Arroyo’s victory, her henchmen did not stop at   ballot rigging. Even as they evidently saw ballot rigging –  vote shaving  and padding — as integral parts of electoral competition, they must have resolved that it would not be enough.

In the introduction, Fraud in the 2004 elections, Rodolfo Desuasido traces the steps the Macapagal-Arroyo camp took  to secure Arroyo’s victory in May 2004.  He refreshes the readers’ memory and reminds them of the scandals that made the headlines, and eventually were exposed to be among the  first elements of the Arroyo camp’s gameplan: redirecting the 2003 national budget, siphoning public funds and using them for Macapagal-Arroyo’s promotion and publicity campaign; assigning henchmen to key positions in the National Printing Office or NPO (which prints the ballots and other official election paraphernalia), and the Commission on Elections (Comelec).

Desuasido also gives a general but all the same detailed description of how the electoral fraud was perpetrated, first with the expertise of ‘master operator’ former Comelec commissioner Virgilio Garcillano, and then with the railroading of the process of canvassing in Congress. He reminds the reader of the infamous day and hour, June 23 at 3 am, when Macapagal-Arroyo was proclaimed winner of the May 2004 polls, with 1.1 million votes more than her closest rival, Fernando Poe Jr.  The Arroyo camp tried to cover all bases – it even instigated a brutal smear campaign with below-the-belt attacks against FPJ . This  was aimed not only at undermining public confidence in the latter, but more decisively to have FPJ disqualified and his candidacy nullified.

The book’s introduction, short but comprehensive, prepares the reader for the mind-blowing and staggering amount of information and testimonies from many, many sources pointing out the crimes of  the head of the incumbent administration long before and in preparation for the May 2004 polls.

Means and ways

There has the been constant observation of electoral fraud analysts all over the world that  political competition dictates   the rhythm and nature of electoral fraud. Efforts to steal elections become more obvious and easier to detect and trend depending on the difference in resources and ruthlessness of the political competitors. The desperation to win even through cheating  —not only with the use of military might and the outlay of millions of funds —determines the strategies candidates adopt.

Judging from the  means and ways implemented by the fraud masterminds and as documented by the CCTA, the Minority members during the House investigations and the independent efforts of the media, it’s evident that there was the attempt to elevate the cheating means to a higher level than just plain vote-buying, ballot switching or ballot theft.

Fraud includes the verbatim transcription of the testimonies of the four experts who testified how the fraud was perpetrated in May 2004, Segundo Tabayoyong, Hermenegildo Estrella Jr., Francisco Alcuaz and Roberto Verzola.  Painstakingly, the experts explained the various means by which fraud was done – they saw highly irregular thumbprints in countless election returns, clean

taras

in many other ERs and still many other irregularities.

Add these sworn testimonies  to the comprehensive bulk of evidence that the  elections were  fixed and what you’ll  have is a highly compelling and urgent reason to demand a poseur-president’s ouster:  (a) anecdotal evidence from voters – e.g. lack of indelible ink and other election paraphernalia, incomplete list of candidates and party-lists, lack of security and authenticity of election materials (b)   massive disenfranchisement of voters ranging 800,000 to three million,  (c) partisan activities of the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) and the Philippine National Police (PNP), (d) impossible and improbable vote totals – e.g. GMA winning landslide victories in barangays, provinces or regions arguably acknowledged as bailiwicks of other presidential candidates; more votes reported than registered voters, and negative vote totals, (e) exit poll discrepancies – accurate polls in precincts with validated   ballots, inaccurate polls in other precincts and all discrepancies favoring GMA or her party and  (e) statistical and qualitative  analyses of these anomalies.

Robert Verzola’s article on the results of the National Movement for Free Elections (NAMFREL) and the author’s conclusions based on the NAMFREL tally all the more demolishes the credibility of Arroyo’s claim to victory. Verzola , however, also strongly hints at the shortcomings deliberate or not  on Namfrel’s part. He offers criticism against Namfrel’s refusal to to release their official breakdown despite the strong urging of the opposition, the media and election watchers.

“If NAMFREL releases this breakdown, we might be able to narrow down the probable range (between GMA’s and FPJ’s votes) and get closer to the truth.”

The Minority Report

The section in Fraud devoted to the report made by the Minority members of the Joint Committee of Congress is titled The True Report.  In it, the members of the Minority Bloc led by Minority leader Francis Escudero and Deputy Minority Leader Alan Peter Cayetano gave an accounting of process of canvassing of votes  cast for presidential and presidential candidates in May 2004 polls.

Needless to say, it’s a long tale of woe and denunciation. The very title of one of the subreports already explains the gist of the entire report: The Illegal and Unconstitutional Canvass of Certificates of Canvass Which Were Not Authentic and Duly Executed and Refusal by the Majority Members to Open and Tabulate the Election Returns.

The Minority  concludes that the House canvass of votes, as led and facilitated by the Majority, was conducted in six ways, in an 1) unfair and impartial manner; 2) Illegal manner; 3) robotic and mechanical manner; 4) unintelligent manner; 5) inaccurate manner; 6) arbitrary manner.

How did the Monority arrive at such conclusions? By tirelessly going through the election returns, statement of votes and certificates of canvasses that came not only from all over the country, but also from abroad where was  absentee voting for overseas Filipino workers (OFWs) such Myanmar, Qatar, Kuwait, Hong Kong and Ireland. Their  conclusion? Massive vote rigging and countless similar anomalies.

The report of the Minority on the national canvass   blisters accusations: the tone is an amalgam of frustration, righteous indignation, and lawyerly outrage at how the law has been violated and twisted. It’s evident that the writer of this report had to stay his or her hand to prevent himself/herself from using ‘unparliamentary language’; the occasional insult and threat  – “The Majority Members are extremely afraid and apprehensive the truth will come; or “Such unreasonable and illegal acts of the Majority Members will face imminent rejection in the parliament of the streets” – however, slips in, and one actually begins to sympathize with the members of the Minority who witnessed the canvassing and how the supposedly democratic exercise of elections was completely rubbished.

A  watchful mainstream media

One could only have been able either in a coma or dead to have not been aware of the turbulent political events that racked the

Philippines

in the last two years. Even before the May 2004 elections took place, the media had been active not only in reporting the usual, expected news that came with elections, but in exploring stories with controversial angles, giving consideration to the  country’s history in elections, and the track records of the candidates, particularly those who ran for the presidency.

It is most fortunate that for all the attacks against freedom of the press in the

Philippines

, the more progressive section of the media did not falter at their duty to expose the truth surrounding  the 2004 polls and indirectly assist those who also shared the same mission. Fraud’s credibility is further strengthened by the consistent attribution of reports that came out in the broadsheets or broadcasted over radio and television all throughout the elections, the final canvassing, the  congressional investigations on the Hello, Garci scandal and the deliberations of the CCTA. 

The media followed the developments in the electoral fraud investigations and the inevitable surfacing of various witnesses who risked life and reputation to expose what they knew. Through the chaos of swiftly-changing reports and contradicting allegations and accusations, a pattern emerged: Macapagal-Arroyo and her camp  initiated  a plot to win the elections with massive cheating (dubbed Oplan Mercury, as stated   in the book) and it was   quickly unraveling at the seams. 

Much thought went into analyzing the allegations of illegal voting even in the mainstream press, meaning it was not only the alternative media that stayed glued to the developments and weeded through the host of various lies and denials issued by Malacanang.  The effectiveness of the mainstream press in exposing corruption has been proven only recently when the First Gentleman Mike Arroyo, angry and piqued,  filed libel suites against more than 40 journalists for their reports on the FG’s being the ‘chief cheating operator’ in the 2004 polls, involvement in jueteng and smuggling scams, and other infamous deeds.

The attacks against progressive party-lists and the future of the party-list system

Atty. Cleto Villacorta has two articles in the book, “The Commission of Fraud: Patronage Politics in the Comelec”  and “Has the Party List Law Broadened Popular Participation in Governance.” The former gives an analytical look at the Comelec and why precisely it can never have full credibility as an arbiter of clean and honest elections. The latter, in the meantime, is an honest reading of the state of the party-list system.

Villacorta tips his hat to the victory of the progressive party-lists Bayan Muna, Anakpawis and Gabriela Women’s Party, and even to the three other party-lists which were  casualties of electoral fraud Migrante Party List, Suara Bangsa Moro and Anak ng Bayan.

He lays down the legal framework which these progressive party-lists entered, and acknowledges that they followed the rules to the letter. If laws were followed, the government should even encourage the establishment and participation in the electoral process of grassroots groups, but as Villacorta admonishes: “The Comelec worked lackadaisically on the technical aspects of the party-list elections…The government has initiated and managed a strong-arm campaign against Bayan Muna et al – a State action that is seriously illegal in character.”

Villacorta does not foresee a good future for progressive partylists, and understandably so, seeing how over 700 civilians, political activists, human rights advocates allied or directly affiliated with Bayan Muna, Anakpawis and other progressive partylists have been systematically killed since Macapagal-Arroyo came to power. Five of the six lawmakers of these partylists , Satur Ocampo, Rafael Mariano, Liza Maza, Joel Virador and Teddy Casino were forced to take refuge in the House of Representatives for three months following foiled attempts to arrest them on rebellion charges. The sixth, labor leader and Anakpawis Rep. Crsipin Beltran remains incarcerated eight months since February 2006 on charges of inciting to sedition to sedition and rebellion.

“Yes, the six party-lists groups won hands down in the party-list elections. But at what price, that is, whose lives have to be lost for such victory? There is neither rhyme nor reason for the State to invite varied ideologies and then allow its armed authorities and paramilitary units on a rampage against the progressive party-list groups.”

Villacorta is of an opinion that a genuine party-list system in this country is doomed to fail; and if the rest of what’s stated and expounded upon in the rest of the book is anything to by, all elections in the Philippines are doomed to be corrupt and fraudulent given the entrenched orientation of those who run the elections, those who run in the elections, and those who inevitably win the elections using not only guns, goons and gold, but by blatantly twisting and violating electoral and other laws. 

A tribute to the progressive people’s movement

Finally, Fraud  pays tribute to the tireless efforts of the  progressive sectors of Philippine society . The Center for People Empowerment in Governance (CenPEG), by coming out with such a book, added to the most   growing list of publications and materials that attest to the long-standing campaign of the progressive mass movement not only to expose and oppose corruption in government and all other attacks against the welfare and wellbeing of the Filipino people, but to present alternatives to the status quo.

The book makes note of the leadership of militant people’s organizations in highlighting the issues and concerns of the basic sectors they represent. People’s organizations such as the Kilusang Magbubukid ng Pilipinas, Migrante International, Kalipunan ng Damayang Mahihirap and their leaders coordinated closely with the CCTA in gathering evidence to bolster the various charges of corruption, abuse of office, and human rights violations  against Macapagal-Arroyo. The human rights organization KARAPATAN, in the meantime,  provided the conclusive documents and testimonies revealing the viciousness of the Arroyo administration’s military offensives against progressives and sympathizers.

The congressional investigations on the Hello, Garci scandal, the deliberations of the CCTA and the continuing debates in the House of Representatives on the legitimacy of the Arroyo presidency all happen against the backdrop of relentless street protests and other forms of civil dissent. These demonstrations are either led by or largely supported by the mass membership of the groups under the banner of the Bagong Alyansang Makabayan (BAYAN). Even as the battle raged in the legal fronts, the parliament of the streets was always vigilant, actively commenting on the developments, and denouncing the machinations of the administration to deny everything and criminalize the CCTA and those who participated in it.

What Fraud teaches readers is a valuable lesson: relying solely on legal battles, the legally prescribed venues for debate and struggle to resolve political conflicts between the State and the people is foolhardy. Anti-people and increasingly despotic regimes such as those led by Macapagal-Arroyo will not hesitate to break its own laws to achieve its ends. Neither does a government like Arroyo’s   have qualms about initiating campaigns of political intimidation, harassment, and outright killing to protect itself and to silence its critics:  the reason that  these doings are   ‘against the law’  and should not be allowed is rendered as worthless as any of Arroyo’s promises to alleviate poverty.

Given all this, the exploration of extra-legal means, and reliance on strong mass movement are crucial if the campaign to expose an anti-people government is to survive and prosper.  To fight fraud, an active legal battle is highly necessary, but it must work is close tandem with an equally vigilant and militant people’s movement. #

It’s ironic that yesterday I wrote about a Koreanovella about how an idealistic Korean youth does his best, as a lawyer, to defend the rights of migrant workers in Korea, and today I’m writing about how a Korean company is exploiting its Filipino workers here in the Philippines.

Last September 25, 2006, the
workers of Chong Won Fashion Inc. (CWFI), a Wal-Mart company located in the
Cavite Export Processing Zone (CEPZ) launched their strike because of the
company’s continued refusal to negotiate for a collective bargaining agreement. Union leaders went to the office this afternoon and sought assistance. They want the committe on labor to hold an inquiry into the situation they are facing.

The union Nagkakaisang
Manggagawa sa Chong Won (NMCW or United Workers in Chong Won) already won in the certification election in 2004, but the management protested it. The DoLE, the National
Conciliation and Mediation Board (NCMB) and the Court of Appeals (CA) have already issued separate decisions affirming the union’s legitimacy, but the company still refuses to recognize the union.

 
Chong
Won supplies products for Wal-Mart, the biggest retail store in the  US .Its buyers
include GAP, American Eagle Outfitters,
and Target (Cherokee amd Mossimo). Among its products are shirts, ladies blouses, polo shirts, pants, sleep wear
and other apparel for the aforementioned foreign companies. It’s 100% Korean-owned which started
operation in CEPZ in 1990. Chong Won is a subsidiary of Chong Won Co. Ltd based
in South Korea.

On September 27 at 8:30 am,
the combined forces of company security guards, Philippine Economic Zone
Authority (PEZA) police attacked the picketline, injuring 13 strikers. The
Solidarity of Cavite Workers (SCW) and the Center for Trade Union and Human Rights (CTUHR) have documented the
various physical injuries sustained by the strikers such as bloodied heads and
bruised arms and legs as a result of the blows inflicted by the attackers;

Most of the injured workers
were women. They sustained contusions, head injuries and bruises from police
beating. The strikers also reported that the attackers mashed the breasts of
some women workers to further humiliate them. They were also hit in the private
parts. Worker Myrna Elizarde collapsed
during the attack was rushed to the hospital.

Despite the violence that
erupted at the picketline, management
and the strikers agreed to hold a dialogue last September 28, but that
same day, eight workers from other
companies who were supporting the strike were arrested.

The arrested supporters Gemma
Lape, Lorna Reli, Ivy Villasan, Analou Estrimos, Galysa Layesi, Josephine
Bahar, Pablito Sapata and Rodelito Amo were eventually turned over to the
Rosario Municipal Police Station (RMPS). The RMPS attempted to file charges
of inciting to sedition against the eight and detained them for six days;

On October 4, the eight were
brought to the Rosario Cavite Municipal Trial Court where they were arraigned and pleaded not
guilty to the charge. Judge Rita Quizon ordered the release of the eight
supporters without bail as there was no proof of sedition and the other
accusation was merely trespassing. The
judge, however, ordered that they appear for the first hearing of their case
scheduled on January 15, 2007.

The workers have also
garnered the support from the International Labor Rights Fund and Maquila
Solidarity Network. ILRF and MSN immediately contacted Wal-Mart as the primary
buyer at the factory. MSN clearly stated what the expectations of Wal-Mart were
which included meeting with the union leaders and the Worker’s  Assistance Center. 

According to ILRF and
MSN, Wal-Mart claims to audit every
single factory once a year where their private brands are being produced, but
it didn’t even bother to get the
results of a recent audit done by Intertek in February 2006 at Chong Won.
During this audit, workers reported concerns about the way that factory
management was violating freedom of association.

Besides clear violations of
freedom of association, workers have alleged being forced to work 24 hours
shifts and not allowed to drink water or
go to the bathroom.  Even worse, the mother company,  Wal-Mart, has done the opposite of what they agreed upon and
even threatened to pull orders out of the factory. Even the factory management
is threatening that they will close the factory and move else where. Workers
have reported working 24 hours shifts, being paid only P281 a day.

  Although Wal-Mart carried out an audit of the factory last September 20, it reneged on its commitment to meet with the

Workers Assistance Center
as requested by MSN. The MSN has also
demanded that Wal-Mart pressure its
supplier to respect the rights of its Filipino workers and begin negotiations
for a CBA.

In the meantime, a day before
the audit, management personnel reportedly circulated and pressured workers to
sign a document condemning their union for protesting outside the factory.

But it’s not just the company that’s being completely evil here.

Instead of standing up for the Filipino workers, the Philippine Economic Zone Authority (PEZA)administration led
by Director-general Atty. Lilia De Lima and Industrial Relations Division chief
Atty. Mary Jane Arada  have ordered the implementation of a food and water
blockade.  They have also gave  instructions to the PEZA police that are aimed towards crushing the strike and demoralizing the workers. The police have have confiscated the IDS
and zone passes of workers, saying that the strikers are already terminated
employees.  They  refuse entry to  supporters bringing food and  water. They also regularly  patrol the  picketline area  verbally harassing and threatening the workers. 

Suffice it to say, I haven’t been reading anything new in the last week. Been watching a Koreanovella, ‘Lovestory in Harvard’, and so far I’m hooked. My husband hates me to say anything, but the fact is, he’s the one who’s crazy about it and we’ve both been letting the dishes pile up in the kitchen sink and the dust accumulate around us because we’ve been both too engrossed watching the drama unfold.

Since we started watching the series (just one DVD, 16 chapters that’s equal to 16 hours!), we’ve covered nine chapters so far. We’ve agreed to leave the DVD at my mom’s because, well, we’ve  neglected so many other things because of it and we’ve become such pigs.

Take this afternoon, for instance, we ate cake, ice cream, crispy pork rinds and Jelly Belly while watching. We barely left the front of the tv. Horrrrible.

Anyways, the series is interesting because the main characters are activist in their approach to their respective professions. One is a lawyer who  advocates for foreign workers in Korea; and the other is a doctor who has herself deployed in poor hospitals and does research in disease-ridden countries so she can help find cures.

They both went to Harvard, but opted to go back to Korea and work there — particularly the lawyer. His main goal when he entered the halls of Harvard was to bring pride to his country and return home with honors. he immediately eschewed working for profit, and thinking of law in terms of a profession that would earn him big bucks.

Will finish the series next weekend. I already know that it’s going to be happy ending (pile up of tragedies and problems, but not all of them are personal — the big case is between the residents of a small village and a chemical company that’s owned by an American firm), and the protagonists will end up married, etc; but am mostly interested in how the story developed; how the characters developed their sense of justice and service to the people.

—-

Bought a Murakami the other day for P140 at Powerbooks. "Underground." It was originally P740.

What does it mean that I want to buy this Barbie book that features a stand-up paper doll (Barbie, of course) and around 20 paper dresses? It’s a build your own doll kind of book.
I cringe at myself sometimes. I honestly believe that I’m schizophrenic. Most of the time I just want to buy toys and play with them all afternoon. I have scale model furniture for dolls too.
    Aaargh. I’ve just turned 31 and I don’t feel any different. When I was younger, around 12  or 14 years old, I thought adulthood was the   serious phase and I wouldn’t have to feel worried that I didn’t do what to do most of the time (or
that I wasn’t sure whether what I was doing was right or downright stupid). Now I’m 31, and heck I often feel as lost as I ever did. I still guess at normal; I still don’t know how to be subtle with my feelings; I’m still transparently…naive (or just plain stupid, as my husband sez when he’s pushed to the point of exasperation).

When am tired, I just want to read fantasy or sci-fi novels; talk to my Flip-Flap plant; or, well, now I want to play with paper dolls. Jeez. I gotta get my head checked, seriously.

    Anyways, there’s still hope: one day I’ll wake up and I will be officially an adult — whatever that means. Often though,  I think the world is run by adults acting like children, but instead hurling around toys when they get angry or upset, they hurl words, weapons and bombs.

Or they conduct their lives without care or thought to what happens to others around them, just as long as they get what they want when they want. Brats, in short.

Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo is the biggest brat the Philippines has ever seen.

—Just attended a big rally led by the Kilusang Magbubukid ng Pilipinas (KMP) and Anakpawis Party list. Thousands of farmers and rural poor from Central Luzon and Southern Tagalog marched for three straight days to get to the National Capital Region, and eventually to Manila with the intent of once more expressing their outrage against Macapagal-Arroyo and her brutality against the poor.
    My favorite rallies are always the ones led by the farmers. The speakers at these protest directly come from the various grassroot peasant organizations, and their speeches, their stories, their imagery are so vivid, so alive that one will not be able to deny how horrible the living conditions are for majority of Filipinos who live in the provinces: the speakers are able to describe fully how life is like is there, the impact of militarization, land conversion, the utter absence of agricultural support services. The story of my country is one of exploitation and repression on one side; and struggle and revolution on the other.
    Lupa, hindi bala. Hustisya, hindi Cha cha. Palayasin na si  Gloria!
—-Have gotten so fat my pants don’t fit anymore, it’s shameful.
I’ve been home a month, and I’ve taken out all my clothes to determine which of them still fit, and which don’t anymore. To my frustration and self-disgust, I found that half have become too small for me.
What’s most annoying is the fact that I have to buy new clothes, just when I’ve become, well, less interested in clothes and ukay-ukay. It’s all become tiresome to me. After Hong Kong, after seeing all those boutiques and stores and the way Hong Kongites dress up, I feel that I’m better off not caring about clothes anymore.
But now I need new clothes. Effing hell. I need new pants, specifically. Gaaad.
Yeah, yeah - I suppose it would be easier to lose weight, but the fact is, I don’t want to lose weight. I like the way I look now; or rather, I like the way my body is because I feel better about it. I’m not such a lollipop anymore (my friend Nova once told me that my head looked way too big for my body because I was too thin, anorexic looking even).
Exercise, yes, exercise. I was thinking of taking up jogging again; and stretching exercises; but for reasons that I don’t want to divulge less there be a jinx, I can’t do any strenous exercises right now.
So it’s off to the ukay-ukay stores I go to look for jeans that fit. Gad.
—-
The 115th Assembly of the Interparliamentary Union in Geneva, Switzerland approved the resolution condemning political repression in the Philippines and the continuing incarceration of Rep. Crispin Beltran.

We have Ka Satur Ocampo and Teddy Casino to thank for pushing for this resolution. The following is the statement released by Ka Bel in the matter:

Anakpawis Rep.
Crispin Beltran extends his full gratitude to the international delegates and
leadership of the 115 ^th Assembly of the Interparliamentary Union
(IPU) for unanimously approving the resolution calling for his immediate
release. The IPU congress is being held in Geneva, Switzerland, and among the
delegates are Bayan Muna Reps. Satur Ocampo and Teddy Casino. Ocampo and Casino
facilitated moves to circulate the resolution calling on the Macacpagal-Arroyo
government to immediately release Beltran and the resolution garnered the
support of the IPU delegates.

<!–
D(["mb","

\n

The IPU said it "Remains deeply concerned at the continuing detention of Mr. Beltran, which it fears is arbitrary; and calls once again on the authorities to release him forthwith or at the very least to transfer him to the custody of the House of Representatives."\n

\n

\n

It also said it was "puzzled at the notion of a continuing crime, which entails serious consequences such as arrest without warrant." The continuing crime doctrine is being invoked by the Philippine National Police and Department of Justice to justify the seven-month detention of Rep. Beltran.\n

\n

\n

"It feels most assuring and heartwarming to know that I have the support not only of my colleagues in the legislative houses here in the \nPhilippines, but also the support of colleagues and fellow progressive lawmakers in other countries. Pres. Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo should realize that the campaign of political repression she launched against progressive lawmakers such as myself and other leaders of the opposition do not go unnoticed. The more she stubbornly insists on keeping me under illegal detention and under fabricated charges, the greater the pressure will be on her to resign: the international community has given its attention to what is happening in the Philippines, and they more than understand the demand for her to step down," he said.\n

\n

\n

Beltran also thanked Reps. Ocampo and Casino for bringing the issue of his incarceration to the IPU.

\n\n

\n

",1]
);

//–>

The IPU said it
"Remains deeply concerned at the continuing detention of Mr. Beltran, which it
fears is arbitrary; and calls once again on the authorities to release him
forthwith or at the very least to transfer him to the custody of the House of
Representatives."

It also said it was
"puzzled at the notion of a continuing crime, which entails serious consequences
such as arrest without warrant." The continuing crime doctrine is being invoked
by the Philippine National Police and Department of Justice to justify the
seven-month detention of Rep. Beltran.

"It feels most
assuring and heartwarming to know that I have the support not only of my
colleagues in the legislative houses here in the Philippines, but also the
support of colleagues and fellow progressive lawmakers in other countries. Pres.
Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo should realize that the campaign of political repression
she launched against progressive lawmakers such as myself and other leaders of
the opposition do not go unnoticed. The more she stubbornly insists on keeping
me under illegal detention and under fabricated charges, the greater the
pressure will be on her to resign: the international community has given its
attention to what is happening in the Philippines, and they more than understand
the demand for her to step down," he said.

Beltran also
thanked Reps. Ocampo and Casino for bringing the issue of his incarceration to
the IPU.

<!–
D(["mb","The veteran labor leader turned activist legislator also said that for the meantime, he is seeking the full support of his colleagues in Congress and call on Speaker Jose de Venecia to allow his transfer from the Philippine Heart Center to the House of Representatives. He said that it was not so much his own physical limitations caused by age that is making his health deteriorate, \'It\'s actually being cooped up in the hospital under 24-7 monitoring of the CIDG and the Department of Justice.\n The tedium of being detained is what\'s making my health condition worse, that and hearing about the continued attacks of the Macapagal-Arroyo government on the political, civil and human rights of the Filipino people," he said.\n

\n

\n

Beltran said that he wants to be in Congress before session resumes in November. He said that it\'s clear that the govenrment does not having concrete to substantiate its charges of rebellion against him, and that it\'s only keeping him detained out of pique and refusal to admit that it was illegal to arrest him in the first place. \n

\n

\n

"The government has no case against me. I should be released at the soonest possible time; and I expect this government to stop fabricating more accusations and allegations against me and allow me to do my job as a legislator of the poor and marginalized sectors," he concluded.#\n

\n

\n\n",0]
);

//–>
The veteran labor leader turned activist
legislator also said that for the meantime, he is seeking the full support of
his colleagues in Congress and call on Speaker Jose de Venecia to allow his
transfer from the Philippine Heart Center to the House of Representatives. He
said that it was not so much his own physical limitations caused by age that is
making his health deteriorate, ‘It’s actually being cooped up in the hospital
under 24-7 monitoring of the CIDG and the Department of Justice.  The tedium of being detained is what’s making my health condition worse,
that and hearing about the continued attacks of the Macapagal-Arroyo government
on the political, civil and human rights of the Filipino people," he said.

Beltran said that
he wants to be in Congress before session resumes in November. He said that it’s
clear that the govenrment does not having concrete to substantiate its charges
of rebellion against him, and that it’s only keeping him detained out of pique
and refusal to admit that it was illegal to arrest him in the first place.

"The government has
no case against me. I should be released at the soonest possible time; and I
expect this government to stop fabricating more accusations and allegations
against me and allow me to do my job as a legislator of the poor and
marginalized sectors," he concluded.

It’s been a year since I last wrote about my kids
here in Congress — Tin-Tin and Lyn.

 I am awed by the energy, creativity and commitment
of these two kids (ok, so they’re not really kids as they’re both 22; but to me
they will always be kids because they were barely 20 when I first met them and
‘hired’ them to be legislative staff for Ka Bel’s office here in Congress). I
don’t remember being like them when I was their age. Sure, I was already tibak then, but I was the brooding, quietly angry, quietly sad type. Tin-Tin
and Lyn are happy, energetic
types, they do their exhausting work if not with
always with smiles, then at least without making the slightest complaint or
grumble.

 Lyn is a drama queen of a good sort. She has a
lovely voice, she’s moves gracefully, and she likes to put together and wear
outfits which I (Ms. Sneakers and jeans) would think 20 times before even
considering wearing. Which doesn’t at all mean that she looks ridiculous
because she doesn’t. She looks comfortable, and young and creative. She paints
and draws, and she’s ambidextrous.  She’s passionate about people and people’s issues.

 Tin-Tin is more tomboyish in attitude, nevermind
that she studied ballet in her younger years. She’s also the techie — grooving
on the newest computer programs and gadgets. She has strong discipline and is
also a fledgling graphics artist. She’s  my main lieutenant, and when I panic, I turn to Tin  to reclaim objectivity and calm. She’s never emotional, always  sensible.

 Both Tin and Lyn write like fiends. Their position
papers and interpellation briefers are both concise and expansive. They never
tire of doing research, and they’re practically residents of the congressional
library. They are cheerful community organizers, able to inspire and motivate
urban poor community resident to fight for and defend their rights.

 I never wrote about this, but when I first left for
Hong Kong months ago, I felt very confident that I was leaving the office in
very capable hands. And I did. Tin and Lyn — along with the other staff –
held the fort and did everything they could to make sure that Ka Bel’s office
continued to function and serve its constituencies despite the fact that our
principal was illegally and unjustly arrested by the Macapagal-Arroyo
administration.

 
Am very honored to be working with these kids.

 ——–

 The art and gift of great conversation; to
communicate honestly, fully, deeply where you reveal yourself and your past and
everything that you’ve been and are without pretense and worry of being judged.
To wear not only your heart on your sleeve but your soul and your guts as well;
and to allow another to see you, really see you.

 This is why I appreciate ‘Before Sunrise’ and its
sequel ‘Before Sunset’ so much. It reminds me of the various conversations I’ve had with people
who became friends or became more than friends,argued with, broke up with,
reconciled with, let go off, forgot, or rediscovered all over again in a
completely different light but a good light all the same.

 I’ve had conversations with people that I so wish
that I was able to record and document! With friends who at the time felt
expansive and then expounded on what they thought life meant or how life should
be lived; with ex-boyfriends who shared their childhood tragedies and glories;
kasamas narrating how they became activists.Life stories than were told the way
some of the most compelling movies were created.

 In my my journals I keep notes and descriptions of
these various conversations, what made me feel amazed about them, what will
forever make me remember them and the persons I had the conversations with.

—–

 Makati City under siege. Smells strongly of
Malacanang. Gloria and her spokespersons can deny everything until they turn
blue, but Pinoys are not stupid: they can tell a politically-motivated move
when they see one. Ghost employees indeed! If the DILG where truly to after
every LGU (and local government official) that employed ghost employees,
probably ALL mayors, governors, congressman would be charged and then suspended
from office. Macapagal-Arroyo has done so much worse than hire and pay
non-existent employees (something which Jejomar Binay’s accusers have yet to
prove), but her self-righteous henchmen in the DILG and presidential
spokesperson are exhorting Binay and his supporters to obey the rule of law and
step down. This is more than enough to make one upchuck. Malacanang’s
scriptwriters are so pathetic - poor plot, transparent motivations,
contradictions and conflict utterly lacking in subtlety. They’re fooling no one with their assertion that they’e only doing their mandated duties as guardians against corruption in public office.

Yeah, right. Abangan ang susunod na kabatana sa super gulo at super-OA na soap operang pinangungunahan ng anti-hero na si Gloria.

In the seven going on eight months that my boss, Rep. Crispin ‘Ka Bel’ Beltran has been unjustly detained on the false and trumped-up charges of rebellion, the legislative work of his office has suffered greatly. And this to the detriment of the basic sectors whose concerns fall directly under the jurisdiction of Ka Bel’ office. Included among the main concerns of Ka Bel’ office are the issues affecting labor; the urban poor;  migrant workers; government employees and the civil service;  and utilities and public service.

It’s been eight months since the Macapagal-Arroyo administration had Ka Bel incarcerated, and every single day since then, the interest of the poor and marginalized sectors of Philippine society whom Ka Bel steadfastly and loyally represents has not benefited. This administration should also be made to take responsibility for this: by illegally arresting and detaining Ka Bel, it has denied the poor and marginalized sectors a staunch defender and spokesperson.

It’s been most particularly frustrating that the House is having deliberations on the 2006 budget, and Ka Bel isn’t here. He has always been active in the budgetary debates, giving the sharpest and most critical analyses of the budget proposals for agencies that give direct service to the marginalized sectors.

Without Ka Bel, there have been noticeably less privileged speeches and exposes on the plight of the marginalized sectors. Even the staff of committees of which Ka Bel is a member have said that the committee meetings and hearings have not been the same without Ka Bel’s energetic participation.

We appeal to the members of the House regardless of political affiliations to support calls  and petitions to have Ka Bel immediately released. She asked lawmakers to write Speaker Jose de Venecia and call on the House leadership to exert effort for the release of Ka Bel. We ask lawmakers to intercede on Ka Bel’s behalf and call on  Speaker de Venecia to negotiate for Ka Bel, that he be immediately released into the custody of the House of Representatives.

No one can deny, not even the most vocal of Mrs. Arroyo’s supporters that Ka Bel is one of the most hardworking legislators, earnest and sincere in his work, and always eager to share his knowledge and promote his pro-poor advocacy. From 2001 when he first became congressman, Ka Bel has been an exemplary member of the House. He has been the recipient of awards consistently naming him one of the most outstanding congressmen and in fact he has already been elevated to the hall of fame. Also, he has been given the respect and recognition of leaders of labor organizations and political groups and long before he became congressman.

It’s a grievous betrayal of the interest of the poor and working people that Ka Bel remains detained. The Macapagal-Arroyo administration has put off hearing his case because it knows very well that it has nothing substantial and genuinely incontestable to pin Ka Bel down. If only to give the people back one of their staunchest defenders in congress, the government should release Ka Bel.

—–

Watched ‘High School Musical’ yesterday. It was a happy, feel good movie that allowed me to forget my immediate problems if only for an hour or so.

Made to think of issues of personal potential and expanding one’s horizons, developing one’s abilities and gifts. It’s the sort of movie I want my nieces and nephews to watch.

My close friend Walkie’s six year old daughter Ani is bonkers about High School Musical. She’s learning the songs by heart!

Walkie sez she feels a little worried that her six year old is learning all about crushes and personal conflicts with peers and other adolescent issues so early.

Went to a dinner for my close friend and soon-to-mommy-for-the-second-time Novaleeh. She’s due anytime soon, and she looks like it: her tummy’s rounder than the full moon, and it felt very warm and heavy to the touch. Everyone at the dinner party agreed that she looked fit and fresh for a preggy woman, and she radiated peace and happiness. Her and hubby John’s eldest, Wystan, is now seven years old; and it’s a good thing that Wystan’s now old enough to truly appreciate having a sibling.
Nova and John are going to have a baby girl, and she will be named Ginger.
I’ve known Nova since we were 16, and together with our friend Elias, we’ve been through a lot of defining experiences: experiences that helped explain us to ourselves, and us
to each other as friends. They’re my oldest friends, and we’ve known each other before any of us really knew what each wanted to be, what each wanted from life and how to get it. It’s my first time to see and talk to both of them since I left for Hong Kong earlier this year; but being with them, it felt like not even a day passed between the last time we talked and now.
I find it infinitely comforting to know that I have friends like Nova and Elias who know me, flaws, craziness, neuroses and all. And I know them as well (I could blackmail both of them and get stinking rich if I wanted, hahaha). Whenever I need to look for a definition of friendship, I only need to think of them and I will get the best descriptions, the funniest annecdotes, and the most heartfelt recollections to illustrate what I mean. I can measure my self-worth in terms of how high or low their opinions of me are; because theirs are opinions that I also value especially when it comes to life-affecting, life-changing decisions.

I choose to share the best of me with these friends because I have also been allowed to expose the worst side of my nature and character to them as well. They know the stupid mistakes I’ve made (and I know the equally brainless steps they’ve also taken); they’ve seen me drunk and depressed out of my skull (and I’ve also been witness to the occasions when they were in their less than attractive emotional states).  Shared memories, common experiences, the unspoken agreement that even if we disagree with some of respective decisions in life, we will still be friends and nothing can change that. We will not tolerate each other’s mistakes, and instead be supportive and nagging by turns.  I have been quite lucky because so far, there has not  been anything that would would my faith, affection and trust in them. I fervently hope that neither have I done or said anything to undermine their faith, affection and trust in me.

We have chosen different paths in our respective lives, but different as the directions we may  have each taken, all paths are paved with the basic brick: a belief in wanting better things for other people; in trying to be of credit to the people whose opinions count the most to us.

Nova went around taking videos for baby Ginger; captured memories for Ginger as shared by friends who know her parents best. When it was my turn, I said that I would say something really incriminating about Nova, something that would warn Ginger and make her watch out. In the end though, this is what I said, and I sincerely meant it: "Ginger, there’s nothing at all wrong with your mom. She turned out really okay. I hope you grow up to be exactly like her, only less crazy."

I wish Ginger and her mom  a most wonderful first face-to-face meeting. May Ginger’s entry into the world — chaotic and full of grief as it often is — bring bliss and priceless happiness not only to her family but to everyone around her.

—-

                     I grew up going to Church regularly. I wasn’t really religious-religious (I didn’t memorize any novenas or anything; and I didn’t keep any vows to, say, visit this so and so church or complete the how-many-numbers-of-nights of the misa de gallo), but I had faith, and I believed in trying to be good. My parents  raised us to be always conscious of other people: to not be a burden to anyone; to not be inconsiderate; and if possible, to try to help people not so much because we would get anything out of helping people, but because, well, it was a way of practicing faith.

To be truthful, though I was raised Catholic, my dad kept teaching me about Islam and how the Muslims live their faith; and how different the objective of the Muslim faith was from that of Catholics.

It was sad that many Catholics, he said, were mostly out to save their own souls; and saving others was considered the main ticket to heaven. That there’s always an ulterior motive to doing good. Dad said that other faiths, like Islam  and  protestantism paid attention not so much to what will happen in the afterlife and what one must do to make sure that the afterlife doesn’t mean perpetual roasting in hell; but how to make sure that the religious life one has is lived with focus on  making the current situation better. Religion, faith, and practicing either or both were separate things and they didn’t automatically come together, he said.

Anyways.

When I became activist, I became more interested in the Aglipayan church because in history classes it was taught that Gregorio Aglipay, the church’s founder, was one of the pillars of the anti-colonial revolutionary movement and the Katipunan.

I did research and wrote an article once for the Collegian on liberation theology, and I learned more about how the IFI teaches its members about Philippine history and current events; and analyzes the problems that beset Philippine society and thus, how important it is to have a living, breathing faith that one must live out and practice in humble service to society.

I spent my birthday today in a march condemning the brutal slaying of IFI Supreme Bishop Alberto Ramento.

It has been truly heartbreaking and at the same time most infuriating that this killer government has taken yet another life of a man of the cloth; one of those who truly practice their faith without consideration for their ownselves and their own comforts. Bishop Ramento, like other activist priests, lived humbly but did great things. He lived with and worked for the poor and exploited, and he spoke up against injustice. It was his way of practicing his faith — by truly serving others in the most concrete ways possible; not through plain charity or only through prayers, but by giving his time, presence, mind and body to the struggle of workers and peasants for better working and living conditions, for the recognition of their economic and political rights.

Paglilingkod ang pinaka-esensiya at ubod ng buhay na pananampalataya. Pagkiling sa interes ng mga inaapi at pinagsasamantalahan, at pagtunggali at paglaban sa mga nang-aapi at nagsasamantala. Hindi lang sa pamamagitan ng panalangin o pagbigay ng limos, kundi ang aktwal na mahigpit na pakikiisa at pakikisalamuha sa mga pinagnanaisang bigyan ng spiritwal na gabay.

The elements of the Western Police District didn’t allow the march to proceed further than Liwasang Bonifacio. The original intent was to march towards Menidola and hold a program at the foot of the historic bridge. The protest was led by the leaders of the IFI — still grieving, still walking wounded from the loss of their beloved Supreme Bishop, brother, father, friend and comrade; but it didn’t matter to the police.

There was a brief and violent scuffle when the police tried to break the ranks of the marchers (most of whom were members of the IFI, ordinary folk from various congregations in Manila, Southern Tagalog and Central Luzon). They tried to push the priests back (all the while the police were saying  that the priests weren’t real priests because they weren’t Catholic, I heard), and one stupid hothead manhandled one of the priests and tore his stole in two.

As could be expected, there was massive indignation. The leaders, to prevent the outbreak of worse violence, opted to direct the march towards Liwasang Bonifacio and hold the program there instead.

The IFI priests all gave such heartrendering speeches. They spoke of what love of God truly meant: serving others, uniting with their daily struggles, helping them defend themselves and their rights. God, they said, meant for the faithful to live and work for others, even if it meant dying for them.

It was not enough, they said, that we pray; it was important that we take action to supplement our prayers.

Even the prayers were not pleas; they were calls to action. The prayers called on those hearing them to not be deaf and blind to social injustice and inequality; the prayers were meant to strengthen those who uttered them.

Nananalangin ako para sa kapayaan ng aking bayan; para sa kaligtasan ng aking mamamayan; para sa pagwawakas ng kawalan ng katarungan; para sa kapayapaang nakabatay sa hustisya; para sa pagkakaisang nakabatay sa pagkakapantay-pantay at kawalan ng pagsasamantala.

Ipinagdadasal ko na magwakas ang kadiliman sa aking lipunan; na maparusahan ang mga nagkakasala sa pamahalaan at silang mga pumapaslang sa mga inosente’t nagtataggol sa mamamayan. Hinihingi ko sa Diyos ng Kasaysayan at sa Diyos na kumikiling sa mahihirap at inaapi na dinggin ang panalangin ng bayan. Panalangin ito para sa akin at para sa bawat isang Pilipino; para sa pagtataguyod ng isang gobyernong marunong kumilala at gumalang sa karapatang pantao at karapatang sibil at demokratiko. Panalangin ito para sa tagumpay ng pakikibaka ng sambayanan para isang lipunan kung saan may hustisya,  tunay na demokrasya, at kapayapaan. Amen.

Living in the Philippines is like living the plot of a magical realist novel. So many things are so unreal in their realness — you wonder how such things happen and continue to be, yet you feel their effects, their impact on your life and how you view it.

Conflicts abound and erupt on such a large scale and with such unstinting frequency, and so many lives are damaged or lost, but life still, somehow, goes on. The abnormal, the irregular is what makes up normal and regular. The way of life here has the texture of the lives of circus performers and tightrope walkers.

Since I came back I’ve been more than a little paranoid. I realize that I became quite soft living in Hong Kong. My guard is still a little down, and as I try to bring it back up, my paranoia level is has reached unprecedented levels.

Last week after visiting Ka Bel in the Heart Center, Kim and I got on a jeep along East Avenue. We were heading towards Kamuning. I felt cheerful and optimistic after leaving Ka Bel (because he was also cheerful and optimistic despite the immense frustration of being cooped up in a hospital  with CIDG agents 24-7), and I had already begun thinking of all the things I’d do and write to help push for his release.

The jeepney stopped a little before EDSA near GMA-7. In front of us, a middle-aged woman was using her mobile phone, pushing the little buttons, unmindful of everything and everyone else.

Suddenly, a man right outside, on the street, stuck his hand through the window grill and snatched the mobile phone from the woman’s hand quick as lightning. He then sped away, and my husband afterward said that there was a wicked, gleeful bounce in the way the man ran off.

All of us passengers were dumbstruck. I had that sensation of wading through deep water with only my head above the water’s surface. It was only a heart beat’s worth of silence, but it felt like hours before anyone reacted.

The woman screamed and started spouting curses. Then she crumpled and buried her face in her hands, weakened.

The jeepney driver just shook his head and maybe he wastrying to be consoling when he said "Madalas talaga mangyari yan dito. Maraming snatcher at magnanakaw…"

Was is it his opinion that everyone should just accept the fact that snatchers and thieves walk around taking things from people?

I felt like throwing up.

————

Just now Congress approved the 2007 budget for the Housing and Urban Development Coordinating Council (HUDCC) and the National Housing and Mortgage Guarantee agency. No one in the Minority stood against it. Am depressed like hell. Ka Bel would have interpellated the committee and argued against the allocations and how they will be disbursed. The situation of  urban housing and planning in this country  is such a mess, and homelessness is a most serious problem. Government agencies in the country do nothing more than coordinate with private contractors and land developers to build houses for those who can afford them –which is definitely not most Filipinos.

I live in a squatters’ area. Most of my friends don’t believe this, but I do. The environment is so squalid, and the atmosphere so chaotic. It’s a bona fide urban poor community, and the deterioration of the houses and the people themselves can be seen and felt on a daily basis.

Why do we live there?

Well, the community wasn’t like that 10, 15 years ago. I grew up in that neighborhood, in Zamora St. in Pandacan, and it was a good and happy environment for kids. There were trees and a big, wide yard where children played patintero, piko, tumbang preso and Chinese garter.

Then, well, as most things in Philippine society, things started to go bad.
Almost all of our original neighbors moved away, my own parents left and moved to Cavite, and the house fell to neglect and disrepair.

My parents rented the house (or what passed for rent - P1,500 for three rooms and a bathroom), but four years ago I moved back in.

Now I live in a rickety house which I can’t get fixed because the local government of Manila has targetted the area for demolitions.  I do so want to have the house fixed (the roof, most particularly; and the foundation), but then it doesn’t seem to be worth the effort. The houses of my neighbors (beginning with the house 10 meters from ours) look stranger and dingier everyday as poverty and hopelessness tighten their grip on the occupants.

—–

This morning at 8 am I woke up to the insistent ringing of my mobile phone: it was my bestfriend from college Elias, and he was singing happy birthday.

I laughed, said thanks and said ‘my birthday’s tomorrow.’

"Yeah, I know," he goes; ‘But I wanted to be the first to greet you happy birthday!"

———–

Attended the Bagong Alyansang Makabayan’s (BAYAN) tribute to IFI Maximo Obispo Alberto Ramento. It was a beautiful, heartfelt and rousing tribute. Bishop Ramento’s legacy will live on, and the lessons of his life will continue to inspire countless  progressive church people, religious, professionals, youth and students in their
efforts to serve the interest of the basic masses of workers and peasants.

When Bayan’s Rita Baua asked the audience to stand up and applaud the memory of Bishop Ramento, everyone clapped until their palms began to hurt, and it felt and sounded like people would’ve wanted to continue clapping long after the one minute was up.

We clapped for Bishop Ramento, his life and his sacrifice; and we also clapped in tribute to the lives of those who fell before him, felled by bullets of killers sent by a killer government.

Tomorrow, there will be funeral march-protest towards Mendiola. The poor and exploited, the sectors whom Bishop Ramento served with every ounce of his energy  will take to the streets to denounce this killer government and its attempts to further insult and demean the progressive mass movement and human rights activists by saying that the bishop was merely a victim of a common crime.

We’ve lost yet another good man, another faithful servant of the poor and an enemy of those whose greed for power and wealth have rendered them inhuman and inhumane.Be that as it may,  this killer government and its supporters will never succeed killing the spirit that moved Bishop Ramento to overcome all limitations, ignore threats to his own life, and give his everything to the cause of the poor and working people. There will be hundreds more who will continue what Bishop Ramento begun, who will live as he lived, and who will believe in the kind of society, country he wanted to be born out of the chaos, poverty, and hopelessness of the current set-up.